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Tuesday, May 10, 2016

Former members of the Jason Society (mistakenly known for its public name); the "Skull and Bones", during the Truman Administration and Eiesenhower Administration; (1947-1954), are shown below Gordon Dean Dr. Henry Kissinger Dr. Edward Teller Major Gen. C. Lindsey W. Baldwin Loyde D. Burtner Frank C. Nash Paul H. Neitzey Charles P. Noise Frank Pace Jr. James A. Perkins Don K. Price David Rockefeller Oscar M. Rubenhausen Lt. Gen. James A. Gavin Carl P. Haskins James T. Hill Jr. Joseph E. Johnson Mervin J. Kelly Frank Altschul Hamilton Fish Armstrong Maj. Gen. James McCormick Jr. Robert R. Bowie McGeorge Bundy William A. Burdon John C. Campell Thomas K. Finletter George S. Franklin Jr. I. I. Rabi Roswell L. Patrick N. E. Halabey Gen. Walter B. Smith Henry Dewolf Smythe Sheils Warren Carol L. Wilson Arnold Wolffers

The "Jason Society" also called the "Special Group", or the "Study Group" for Project MJ-12, that was a project of the Trilateral Committee during the Truman Administration and Eiesenhower Administration (1947-1954)

Former members of the Jason Society (mistakenly known for its public name); the "Skull and Bones", during the Truman Administration and Eiesenhower Administration; (1947-1954), are shown below

Gordon Dean
Dr. Henry Kissinger
Dr. Edward Teller
Major Gen. C. Lindsey
W. Baldwin
Loyde D. Burtner
Frank C. Nash
Paul H. Neitzey
Charles P. Noise
Frank Pace Jr.
James A. Perkins
Don K. Price
David Rockefeller
Oscar M. Rubenhausen
Lt. Gen. James A. Gavin
Carl P. Haskins
James T. Hill Jr.
Joseph E. Johnson
Mervin J. Kelly
Frank Altschul
Hamilton Fish Armstrong
Maj. Gen. James McCormick Jr.
Robert R. Bowie
McGeorge Bundy
William A. Burdon
John C. Campell
Thomas K. Finletter
George S. Franklin Jr.
I. I. Rabi
Roswell L. Patrick
N. E. Halabey
Gen. Walter B. Smith
Henry Dewolf Smythe
Sheils Warren
Carol L. Wilson
Arnold Wolffers



The 1948 Palestinian exodus, also known as the Nakba (Arabic: ‫النكبة‬‎, "al-Nakbah", literally "disaster", "catastrophe", or "cataclysm") occurred when more than 700,000 Palestinian Arabs fled or were expelled from their homes, during the 1948 Palestine war. The term "nakba" also refers to the period of war itself and events affecting Palestinians from December 1947 to January 1949. The precise number of refugees is a matter of dispute but around 80 percent of the Arab inhabitants of what became Israel (50 percent of the Arab total of Mandatory Palestine) left or were expelled from their homes.

The 1948 Palestinian exodus, also known as the Nakba (Arabic: ‫النكبة‬‎, "al-Nakbah", literally "disaster", "catastrophe", or "cataclysm") occurred when more than 700,000 Palestinian Arabs fled or were expelled from their homes, during the 1948 Palestine war.

The term "nakba" also refers to the period of war itself and events affecting Palestinians from December 1947 to January 1949.

The precise number of refugees is a matter of dispute but around 80 percent of the Arab inhabitants of what became Israel (50 percent of the Arab total of Mandatory Palestine) left or were expelled from their homes.

The following was written by Mark R. Rowe on 5/9/2015. There is the American culture before 1950, and then there is post-1950 American culture that was conceived, designed and implemented by these four men at Harvard University; Timothy Leary, Ram Dass, Houston Smith, and Andrew Weil.

The following was written by Mark R. Rowe on 5/9/2015

There is the American culture before 1950, and then there is post-1950 American culture that was conceived, designed and implemented by these four men at Harvard University

Timothy Leary Ram Dass Houston Smith Andrew Weil


The Human Genome Project was the first endeavor undertaken by an international consortium to discover what the genetic information in every human being meant, where it was and how it could be used.  At the time of the inception of the Human Genome Project, the benefits of understanding the genome and being able to manipulate genes were at best speculative; some declared this project a modern-day eugenic enterprise.  One of the fears expressed was that unlocking the secrets of the Human Genome might actually enable people to decide what traits they want their children to have, which would be quite opposite to the current method of random genetic exchange of parents’ traits.  Yet in order to understand how we might be able to juggle with our progeny’s traits, we need to discover what makes us human and individuals in the first place.  This was the purported goal of the Human Genome Project: to decipher our genetic code and understand what traits are commanded by which sequences of DNA, as well as their chromosomal location.  By looking at eugenics historically and examining the past mistakes made by scientists in the name of progress, we can gain a good perspective when dealing with the idea of creating life with an artificial twist: that of tailoring our babies’ traits to our tastes.

The Human Genome Project was the first endeavor undertaken by an international consortium to discover what the genetic information in every human being meant, where it was and how it could be used.  At the time of the inception of the Human Genome Project, the benefits of understanding the genome and being able to manipulate genes were at best speculative; some declared this project a modern-day eugenic enterprise. 

One of the fears expressed was that unlocking the secrets of the Human Genome might actually enable people to decide what traits they want their children to have, which would be quite opposite to the current method of random genetic exchange of parents’ traits.  Yet in order to understand how we might be able to juggle with our progeny’s traits, we need to discover what makes us human and individuals in the first place. 

This was the purported goal of the Human Genome Project: to decipher our genetic code and understand what traits are commanded by which sequences of DNA, as well as their chromosomal location.  By looking at eugenics historically and examining the past mistakes made by scientists in the name of progress, we can gain a good perspective when dealing with the idea of creating life with an artificial twist: that of tailoring our babies’ traits to our tastes.


MENTAL HEALTH AND WORLD CITIZENSHIP The fact that men and women everywhere are looking for guidance in world affairs, as well as in dealing with the problems of their own community, constitutes the greatest challenge ever presented to social scientists and psychiatrists. Two world wars in a single generation, and the possibility of a much more devastating one in the not distant future, have made clear to everyone the urgency of the crisis. More directly and more clearly than ever before, the question must be faced as to whether survival is possible without adapting human institutions so that men can live together as world citizens in, a world community, in which local loyalties are rendered compatible with a wider allegiance to mankind as a whole. The idea of the " world citizen," as here conceived, is not used in a political sense. It is rather meant to convey the notion of a " common humanity." It does not raise the question of a world political sovereignty, replacing or embracing the sovereignties of existing nations. Such a new sovereignty may come, but it is not the concern of this statement. We are concerned with the attitudes and ideals of groups of men in relation to one another, and with the principles and practices of mental health in relation to a world community.

MENTAL HEALTH AND WORLD CITIZENSHIP


The fact that men and women everywhere are looking for guidance in world affairs, as well as in dealing with the problems of their own community, constitutes the greatest challenge ever presented to social scientists and psychiatrists. Two world wars in a single generation, and the possibility of a much more devastating one in the not distant future, have made clear to everyone the urgency of the crisis. More directly and more clearly than ever before, the question must be faced as to whether survival is possible without adapting human institutions so that men can live together as world citizens in, a world community, in which local loyalties are rendered compatible with a wider allegiance to mankind as a whole. The idea of the " world citizen," as here conceived, is not used in a political sense. It is rather meant to convey the notion of a " common humanity." It does not raise the question of a world political sovereignty, replacing or embracing the sovereignties of existing nations. Such a new sovereignty may come, but it is not the concern of this statement. We are concerned with the attitudes and ideals of groups of men in relation to one another, and with the principles and practices of mental health in relation to a world community.

This relation is a complex one, and a description of its complexity seems at first sight to make any constructive activity in the field of world citizenship impossible. On the one hand, a world community is a condition for mental health in a world threatened with destruction. On the other hand, there can be no world community until individuals and groups have learned how to live at peace with themselves and one another, and until they have ceased to struggle for their own sense of group solidarity at the expense of hostility and violence against others. "No peace without mental health," we seem to be saying, and, at the same time, "no mental health without peace." Is there any way out of this apparent circle? There is another apparent circle, closely related to the first, and equally perplexing. We have referred to the "plasticity " of man, as something from which we could take hope, and at the same time we have indicated the extent to which the growing human being is influenced by the society in which he lives.

There seems to be an unbroken chain of inter-action extending from the social, economic and political attitudes of a given community through the participation of the adult members in the life of the group, and so to the individual family, which in turn hands on its customs and traditions to its children, who then perpetuate the attitudes which they have learned. This behaviour in the great variety of forms in which it appears in different cultures must be altered if new loyalties are to emerge and wider ties be developed.

At what point in this complex of human activities can this alteration take place? At what point in the whole pattern of mobilisation of manpower, indoctrination through press and radio, manoeuvring among diplomats, bartering and bargaining among those who control the world's resources, can the methods on which the mental health approach is based, be used? Where is our point of intervention? This circle, we know, is not complete. Social institutions and patterns of behaviour do change; they are changed by men, and men change with them. The changes are sometimes slow, sometimes fast, but they do occur, and an understanding of the process of change may make it possible to intervene at least to some extent in the direction of better human understanding.

Our ability to indicate ways of intervening is based upon our knowledge of the conditions in which learning takes place. We can then ask, in what ways, under what circumstances and at what times, can people learn the new attitudes which are relevant and essential for membership in a world community?

How must these methods of learning be adjusted for peoples with different cultural backgrounds, living within specific frameworks of ideas and ideals? Where, and when, in each society will it be most efficient to concentrate the new learning experiences; at what levels of society, and among which groups of policymakers or community leaders? We already know a great deal about how children learn their attitudes of hostility or co-operativeness, their habits of wide or narrow loyalty. We are beginning to find out how adults, building on their childhood experience, can develop attitudes appropriate to this new period in history.